Population radicalizatiion can be seen in the 1830’s as a diverse but increasingly a coherent force. It was the responses to changing social and economic conditions which were becoming felt over wide sections of the country. It was no new experience for large sections of the working people of Britain to feel hungry.(1) The British workers responded to hunger by forming a nation wide movement around a political programme instead of by more traditional means of protest like food rioting arson begging preaching and praying. (2) The changes associated with the Industrial Revolution did not necessarily involve an absolved lowering of a wider social context. There was therefore every reason to look for political solutions to problems. Hunger and deprivation resulting from bad trade could be remedied by enlightened taxation and by humane systems of out-relief. The extreme’s of exploitation could be prevented by legal restrain of employers, by the limitation of hours of work, and the protection of young children, and oppression by the defence of the rights of publications, assembly and free speech, all of which had been challenged and successfully defended.(3)

Changes in structure of industry which were among the causes of unrest and new methods and techniques of production, new relationships between employers merchant and workers, the breakdown of traditional institutions and traditional relationships, the growing dependence on the increasingly but fluctuating world markets, – all these above things were affecting the major industries of Britain  – above all. The branches of her textile industries, still by far the most important manufacturing industries.

Who were the Chartists? The Chartists were advocates for “The People’s Charter.” The “People’s Charter” is the outline of an act of Parliament drawn up by a committee of the London Working Men’s Association, and six members of parliament, and it embraces the six Cardinal points of Radical Reform.

These points are; (1) Universal Suffrage, (2) Annual Parliaments (3) vote by ballad (4) Equal Representation (5) Payment of Members (6) No property qualifications (6) No Property Qualifications. Universal suffrage was interpreted as, every man over 21 years of age, convicted of crime and of sound mind should have a vote in the election of the representatives who are to make the Laws he is called upon to obey, and who lay on the taxes he is required to pay.

Annual Parliament would enable the voters to get rid of a bad servant at the end of one year Instead of being fixed with him for seven years as at present.

Voting by Ballet would prevent the bribery or intimidation at elections or the influencing a man to vote against this own will or judgment.

Equal representation means the country should be divided into equal electoral districts (say 300) each containing as nearly as conveniently may be, an equal number of inhabitants, each district to send one representative.

No property qualifications – the choice of the electors shall be only qualifications necessary. (6)

William Lovett was the author of the Charter. It was published in the Late spring of 1838. The economic crisis, anger over the “New Poor Law,” and a Irish Statesman gave the movement a mass appeal and a provincial character. (7)

Chartists believed the quickest way to achieve a Universal objective was to enlist the sympathies and quicken the intellects of wives and children. At least 80 female political Unions and Chartists Associations were established between 1837, and 1844. Their functions were to support the husbands and brothers.

What the Chartists wanted was to find a voice in making Laws they were called on to obey. They believed that taxation without representation was tyranny, and ought to be resisted. They took a leading part in agitating in favor of the 10 hour question, the repeal of the taxes of knowledge, education, cooperation and civil and religious liberty and the land questions, for they were the true pioneers of all the great movements of their time. At the time of the Chartists agitation they were all working men earning low wages, and hardships were many. Some men have admitted to having bought a gun and joined the physical force of “Chartists.” Some moulded bullets in their cellars. The illiberal Chartism can be briefly glimpsed as a breadth of aspiration, a passion of protest, and a intensity of resolve which had no place in politics of Liberalism. (10)

Nothing could be further from the Truth than to see Chartism as a sudden eruption into the Political scene. Radicalism of the various kinds came together in Chartism, which had been gathering momentum fairly steadily since the beginning of the decade.(11) Most of the delegates to the First National Convention had taken part in the agitation, for Reform Bill 1832 and many of them like Peter Bussey of Bradford, Mathew Fletcher of Bury had organized at the time of the passing of the Bill, and considered the campaign for the extension of the terms. Bussey collected 6000 signatures to a petition for manhood suffrage immediately after the passing of the Bill, and Fletcher had helped sponsor a candidate in the first election after the Reform Bill, who had stood on the platform of Universal suffrage and the ballot. In the years that followed both men and many like them all over the country, had emerged as town radicals, taking the lead in various radical campaigns which increasingly appeared as campaigns of resistance to the actions of the Reformed Parliament. (12)

In 1834 Bussey is described as demanding of a parliamentary candidate in front of a busting crowd of five thousand people , whether, if elected he would vote for the abolition of tithes, the entire abolition of punishment by death in all cases for triennial parliaments, the abolishing of flogging in the army, the reduction of the army estimates, the emancipation of Jews, so as to place them on the same footings as themselves, for the ballot, for the throwing open of the Universities to all classes of his majesties subjects of whatever sect, for corporate reform, for abolition of the stamp duty on newspapers, for repeal of the corn laws, for care revision of the pension list., for abolition of the taxes on industry, and for the repeal of the game laws. This was the programme of the working people, working class political radicalism soon to be absorbed into the wider movement of Chartism. (13)

The major initial changes came through the new concept of time working throughout the day and night in shifts. Rural workers had always worked according to the season and the weather, while artisans and craftsman had organized their schedules according to the work being done. Most of them were to use working with or near families and close to home. The new system involved regular, unbroken, daily work, usually offering no connections with the finished product or even the possession of one’s own tools. While artisans were first needed to provide skills, and while early entrepreneurs included master – craftsman developing their own factories, the system succeeded in providing employment for many who would otherwise starve. But as it continued into the second and third generations of employers and employees, the system became increasingly exploitative. Wages were kept low in order to force workers to continue working and woman and children were employed at lower rates of pay, and hours were made longer instead of shorter. Not until 1840 did serious reform movements start and even then the implementation of their recommendations was slow and and full of inconsistencies to say the least. (14) Fergus O’Connor, (1794 – 1855) knew how to talk effectively, t despairing domestic workers who were more interested during the 1837 in the threat of the “New Poor Law” of 1834 than in the political panaceas. (15) He fascinated angry audiences everywhere. He was shrewd enough to encourage the proliferation of grievances rather than to Canalize them. O’Connor told Lovett (The Author of the People’s Charter) “I do not lead People, I am driven by the People.” The people gave lead to the agitation and I follow. O’Connor turned to the suffrage agitation in 1837, 38, and it was not until the spring of 1838 on the eve of drafting the Charter that the Anti Poor Law movement was merged into Political agitation for parliamentary Reform. (16) The Chartism movement grew not only out of disillusionment, with the reform bill of 1832, widely regarded as a sham, but with the ambitious trade – unionized of the good years. (17)

It was O’Connor who did most to “Nationalize discontents” in 1838. By the end of this year he had succeeded in winning impressive support both in the citadel of well established local leaders. The “People’s Charters” along with Douglas’s “National Petition” became the cry of  pent – up millions suffering under diseased condition of society. It’s basic strength lay in it’s power to unify discontented people in all parts of the country in England. O’Connor secured commanding position in relation to the new United Movement. He was tactful shrewd, and he accepted the “Charter” as if he were his own and as the “Apostle of the North” carried it to Lancashire, and the North West Riding. He used his position of strength in the north to make personal converts in other places appearing on Public platforms whenever and wherever he could, either with prominent figures or with Local Chartists. (18) Gradually by temperament as much as design he began to stress his own intense personnel involvement in the new movement and his special claims to it. He spoke more and more of physical force and resistance to the death. (19)

The Charter was a symbol of Unity, but it concealed as much as it proclaimed – the diversity of Local social pressures, the variety of Local Leaderships and the relative sense of urgency among different people and different groups. (20) O’Connor preached Peace all his life but told a meeting at Rochdale in November of 1838, he was always prepared for war.

With the foundation of the “Northern Star” in November of 1837 , O’Connor had a great deal of influence. Within four months of the Norther Star being established there were 10,000 copies a week being sold. The idea of a popular newspaper being used as a medium for political and philosophical propaganda, originated with a group of Leed’s radicals and the promoters of the scheme were William Hobson and William Hill, Paster of a New Jerusalem Church at Hull. But the successful launching of the venture was the work of O’Connor who was able to secure the necessary funds to start it. The importance of the Northern Star in the development of the Leed’s Chartism, was twofold. The Northern Star reported detailed reports of any little meeting of radicals anywhere in Yorkshire and wrote them up with as much care as if they had been National concerns. It became a Institution in all working – class gatherings and the numbers who listened to it being read in Public houses and worker’s cottages extended it’s influence beyond the figures indicated by the numbers of copies sold. In comparison with it’s social education role in directing attention to burning social issues, it’s crude appeals and pandering to popular tastes were secondary importance. It secured for it’s promoter O’Connor a personal predominance in the Chartist’s movement in the North. O’Connor had people from Leeds prepared to support him, and the weight of his powerful organ of press, so his star rose rapidly through out the 1838 summer, so also did the fortune of his followers. The ascendancy of O’Connor soon became manifest with in the Leed’s Working Men’s Association. (22) Bray and Owenites dropped out Nicoll died of consumption in December and the Leeds Time under it’s successor became critical of O’Connor who already repudiated Lovett, and the Working Man’s Association. (23)

O’Connor spoke at the Great Northern Union’s Inaugural on Runslet Moor, and stated, “he hoped that the Union would be means of Uniting all Reform Associations  in the areas, as since the People’s Charter was published in May of 1838, he believed the Leed’s working Men’s Association was no longer and appropriate body to conduct the agitation. (24) He was elected as one of the West Riding Delegations to the National Convention as the Chartist’s were directing much of their energy to having one of the delegates elected in October 1838. (25) The Torchlight meetings being held on the moors became entertained large crowds of 2000 to 3000 . The O’Connorites attempted to set the pace for Chartism in Leeds but their attendance rates were not as high as they thought they would be. (26) O’Connor stated in one of his speeches he was an advocate of a civil war in England for the rights of  Workers, to be heard, but he added, it the people could not get their rights heard Peacefully means, that he would found at his post fighting for the rights of People. (27) There were some who resigned from the Convention because of the tones of violence. They wanted no part of it.

The new Leed’s Chartists group was led by Thomas Ellis who had a flag suspended from his window that had inscribed on it, “Liberty or Death.” The mayor offended and asked him to withdraw this flag. After the protest the Leed’s Chartists did so. There came reports of active Chartists being arrested, and Leed’s members feared for themselves. It was in this atmosphere that White (the Secretary) of the Northern Union was arrested and tensions were rising. White believed there was Injustices to those who spoke for their freedoms and were denied bail monies when arrested. White damed the “Whigs” and their dam Justice in forthright terms. He was later granted bail. The grim winter with all the unemployment of 1839 – 1840 saw the end of the first Period of Chartists in the West Riding. White and O’Connor received a 18 month imprisonment, so the collapse of the Physical Force Wing was now virtually complete, and the Leed’s Norther Union quietly disappeared. (28)

The new temper of Chartism represented the moderate as opposed to the physical force wing of the Leed’s Chartism. The Leed’s Charter Debating Society was established to cultivate that talent which for want of opportunities has lain so long dead. Lectures, addresses, and discussions, took the place of torchlight meetings. (29) As the Leed’s Charter Association satisfiedly reported the meetings got ever more respectable, were better conducted, less uproarious, and partake more of the reasoning and intellectual qualities. Nevertheless either despite or because of pursuing these policies, the Leed’s Chartists failed to gain any mass following, and stayed a small group of  Rights Intelligent enthusiasts, a general staff without an army, because it was believed by the midlife classes, as well as the Whigs and Radicals too, they were to avoid physical force from any corner, like the plague. (30)

In 1841 the Chartists and the middle class radicals started a mass political democracy, and it was believed by the Chartist leaders a social democracy could not be long delayed, but by 1842 the movement exhausted the possibilities of furthering the cause of the People’s Charter. The education and rational approach on the model of the London working Man’s Association had been swept aside. In 1838 the appeal to physical force with talk of an Insurrection had met with a negligible response in Leed’s, and the complete suffrage movement was condemned to impotence through mutual distrust and intransigence. Chartism in it’s ending and beginning was more than it’s organization. “What have we gained, asked Julian Harney in 1848.” Is the reward proportionate to the toll expended? Chartist had redefined the nature of democracy and had challenged everything – from Volunteerism to Christian Socialism – which might oil the wheels of aristocracy monopoly and commercial expansion. They did not always succeed you know, nor did they carry out their intentions to rewrite History and recapture the cooperative working class mind.(32) The great interest of Chartism was it was so much more than a movement of protest. It gave to it’s British working class as self – awareness and self confidence which for all the short term failure of the movement were carried into varied forms of activity, social and political. In Britain and in other countries, the working class was established as an essential articulate force increasingly throughout the second half of the century in Local and National affairs. (33) The task of bringing together men with varying levels of political and social unconscious awareness was an enormous struggle. For 20 years Chartists argued over the best means to create a great popular movement, such as debates turning on the relationship between thought and action. The problems of organizations in this Liberal era were enormous financial communication, the suspicion of professionalism, the pull between local and National action, the strength of commitment of the young. Chartist’s claimed a special achievement; the power to bring out the masses on matters of great moments.

All persons involved with Chartism acted out their own interpretation of Chartism, with their own prescription for successes and failures and their own plans for organization. The History of Chartism after O’Connors fall from Power revealed even more obviously than before, that each person had his own order of priorities, his own definition of freedom, and his own view of the relationship between Power and knowledge and the individual state. For this reason Chartists reacted differently to the economic and political progress of the mid Victorian era. Some settled down to an advanced Liberalism, some moved into independent labour politics, and other retired in confusion and Bitterness. (35)

 

Papers of Carolyn d Hogarth from the University of Manitoba…Both A papers and mine. Grandma’s Grand daughter…I believe.